Eating Differently From The Same Plate: A Glimpse of Dietary Behavior in Tajikistan

Sarah PechtlField, Leland

Above: Norak, a city in the Khatlon region of Tajikistan.


“If there is less food that day, I will first give it to my husband because I don’t want a misunderstanding, I don’t want him to shout. Then I give food to my children. I can drink tea with sugar. For me that is enough.”

I quickly write down the quote that my colleague, Mohru, translated from Tajik. Then the interview continues: “Appa [meaning ‘sister’], sometimes you don’t eat and give your food to your husband or son. Isn’t that difficult for you?” The woman smiles and answers, “No. We women are not even disappointed. If they are happy then we are also happy.”

In Tajikistan—a low-income food-deficit country (FAO 2023) and the poorest in Central Asia—an estimated 28% of the population are moderately or severely food insecure and 29% are unable to afford a healthy diet (FAO et al. 2024). Dietary quality is sub-optimal, and it is particularly concerning for women, with one-third of women of reproductive age (15-49 years) having anemia (FAO et al. 2024). During wintertime in Khatlon region, where our research takes place, 2 out of 3 women lack adequate dietary diversity, heightening their risk of such micronutrient deficiencies. Men consume more diverse diets than women—even among those living in the same household (Lambrecht et al. 2023).

The Khatlon region is historically the poorest region of Tajikistan. Being less mountainous (relatively, since mountains constitute over 90% of Tajikistan’s terrain), it’s also where the majority of agricultural production occurs. In May, when the temperature climbs to a dizzying 40°C (104°C), I witnessed the few weeks of Khatlon’s fields being green and its fruit trees in bloom, before the landscape fades into shades of yellow and brown as the streams run dry under the blazing sun. But it’s in the midst of winter, with little growing in the snow-covered fields, when the country’s seasonal food insecurity is at its worst.

In February 2024, my colleagues and I were headed south into Khatlon, bundled in winter jackets with multiple pairs of socks forming a colorful shield against the winter air. We were on our way to conduct our first interviews and focus group discussions to find out why women and men’s diets significantly differ, considering that households typically eat together, often from the same plate. Alongside these traditional methods, we also collected data through photographs using the Photovoice methodology (Wang et al. 1998), where participants documented their household’s meal practices, adding depth to our research.

Focus group discussion with men explaining how different food items are distributed in their households.

As we interviewed men and women and hear about how households prepare and share meals in focus group discussions, we learned that families generally share food and that the main reason for not eating a certain food was simply disliking the taste. However, several factors were mentioned that differentially impact women and men’s diets, to the detriment of the former. And addressing these factors requires challenging the very system of putting food on the table in Tajik households.

As in many contexts (Rietveld et al. 2023), men have high social value and stringent gender norms dictate individual’s responsibilities. Men as heads of the household are responsible for providing for the family, both by earning income and purchasing food. Women’s domain is the household, where they prepare and serve meals, in addition to being responsible for childcare, domestic work, livestock, and the household plot.

Visiting a Photovoice participant’s home where my colleagues and I were served ‘qurutob’. One participating woman is offering tips to another on how to take photos.

With men commonly being the primary—if not sole—income earners in the household, their ability to earn income is critical for the household’s quality of life. It’s thus vital men have sufficient food intake to have energy for the physically demanding labor required by many rural jobs. However, in a food-deficit country, this unfortunately comes at the cost of women and children’s diets. As one woman explains:

“Appa, in our household we all consume equally. But when we have something good like meat, we try to give it to our husband and son because they work. There are no job opportunities for women so that we also go and work.”

Similarly, while several participants said that men need to eat meat to have energy when they go to earn income, women’s dietary needs were deemed more flexible:

“For women and girls, it should not matter. They can eat whatever is at home. She is a housewife. She is not going anywhere. […] Whatever she finds, she can eat it.”

As such, this gendered distribution of tasks does not only create “understanding” within the household (as explained by several participants), but the interwoven power-relations are reflected in the meal. Women serve the meal, serving first the head of the household (typically a man), either followed by his wife or other men in the household, then the remaining women and children. Finally, she takes food for herself, or as one participating man put it, “poor woman consumes the leftovers.”

An example of this was shown by a woman who participated in our Photovoice project. Her husband had recently returned from Russia, where he had earned income as a labor migrant. To celebrate his homecoming, he invited many of his friends and she prepared a festive meal. My colleagues and I were amazed at the beautiful dastakhan (traditional table in Central Asia) we saw in her picture. In addition to being ornately decorated, the dastakhan was set with a large quantity and variety of items commonly seen for celebrations, but much unlike a typical meal, especially during wintertime when few food items are available, and many are expensive. “And who is at this event? Men and women?” we asked. “No, only men. Not women and kids.” The participant then explains that her role is serving the food while her husband and their guests eat. “And when do you eat?” we were curious to know. “When the guests leave, my kids and I will have food. If there is no food left, we will take something from our stock; for example, fry meat and potatoes.”

Traditional ‘dastakhan’ with fruits, nuts, baked goods, salads, and drink to celebrate her husband’s return from migration. While already impressive, these foods are seen as sides to be snacked on during the dinner. The first and second course dishes are yet to be served. (Participant photo)

After speaking to over one hundred individuals through our research project, we had story upon story about meals in Khatlon. Stories that revealed how food beholds more than just calories and nutrients. For it’s a key medium through which respect, social values, and power dynamics are expressed and upheld. Thus, after our last interview, as I watched the steppe turn into copper-colored mountains from the car window, I couldn’t help but feel disheartened. The conclusion of our work was rather daunting. Had the primary issue been misconceptions or lacking knowledge about nutrition, then implementing educational interventions could be highly effective. But the issue is much more deeply rooted and systematic than this.

Addressing socially and culturally entrenched gender norms to improve dietary behavior will require years (if not decades) of social behavior change. It will demand the inclusion of women and men of all ages, religious leaders, healthcare professionals, and policy makers. The long road to gender equity will also necessitate significant transformation in infrastructure in Tajikistan, including year-round job opportunities for the population, and specifically for women.

Food holds immense power by telling stories of the myriads of elements that shape our cultures, making the study of dietary behavior not only fascinating but powerful. Simply by looking at what is on one’s plate and what might be missing—or if one is given a plate at all—offers a glimpse into some of the strongest determinants of health, and can open the conversation over how to address them.


References

  • FAO. 2024. Country Profiles – Low-income food deficit countries. https://www.fao.org/countryprofiles/lifdc/en/
  • FAO, IFAD, UNICEF, WFP, and WHO. 2024. The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World 2024 – Financing to end hunger, food insecurity and malnutrition in all its forms. Rome, FAO. https://doi.org/10.4060/cd1254en
  • Lambrecht, I., Mardonova, M., and Akramov, K. 2023. Welfare and vulnerability in Tajikistan: Evidence from twelve districts in Khatlon Province, 2015 – 2023.
  • Rietveld, A.M., Farnworth, C.R., Shijagurumayum, M., Meentzen, A., Voss, R., Morahan, R., and Lopez, D.E. 2023. An evidence synthesis of gender norms in agrifood systems: Pathways towards improved women’s economic resilience to climate change.
  • Wang, C.C., Yi, W.K., Tao, Z.W., Carovano, K. 1998. Photovoice as a Participatory Health Promotion Strategy. Health Promotion International. 13(1):75–86. https://doi.org/10.1093/heapro/13.1.75

About the Authors

Born and raised in Austria, Sarah holds a BSc in Nutritional Science with a minor in sociology from Pepperdine University. Sarah’s undergraduate studies were shaped by her involvement in projects aimed at improving the dietary quality of marginalized population groups facing food and nutrition insecurity. Motivated to understand and help mitigate the impact of socio-structural factors on malnutrition, she pursued an MMSc in Public Health Sciences from Karolinska Institutet, Sweden, graduating in 2023. Her thesis evaluated a childhood nutrition intervention delivered in disadvantaged areas of Sweden, providing insights for program scale-up and the efficacy of targeting behavioral factors in the presence of structural barriers. Sarah has worked with large, multi-country datasets and complex quantitative methods to investigate mechanisms of health behavior and identify opportunities to intervene. Additionally, she has participated in global health educational experiences in Denmark and Kenya. She is fascinated by the interaction between health promotion and social/environmental justice in the agriculture-nutrition nexus. Driven by the conviction that systemic change, multi-sectoral collaboration, and decolonization are essential for achieving a world with zero hunger, Sarah is excited to join the 12th Class of Leland Fellows and contribute to these transformative efforts.

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